There is every possibility that China may go the old
Soviet way. Its impressive strides at the economic, scientific and military
levels are being relentlessly fuelled by a collective national hoopla about
mythical-level enemies in the outside world. It thrives on the mass hysteria of
the nationhood and prevails over the shadowy undercurrent of well-managed
antagonism to the prevalent system of powers in the world. Education is used to
legitimise the collective insecurities against the backdrop of colonial facts
of exploitation. Under such environment people get ready to sacrifice
individual freedoms and profits to bask in the glory of more sophisticated
weapons, more medals at international sports meets, more upswings in the graph
of economy and trade, etc. But sorry to say, it cannot be sustained for a
decent amount of decades.
The power of such a dazzling rocket may
impressively blind the eyes of supposed antagonistic outsiders, but the fuel in
such a policy is not sufficient to land you in the stable geosynchronous orbit
where the nation and its people will just effortlessly swim in peace and
contentment. Hyper-specified distinctions as a race, as a nation cannot thrive
unchallenged for too long in the ultramodern society. It somehow comes into
conflict with the natural process of globalisation and integration. America is
comfortably enjoying the superpower status for a long time. The reason is that
the stormy drive towards massive achievements in different domains was not at
the cost of individual freedom. Unlike China here the river of basic human
freedoms was not tamed through check-dams of politburo to harness the human
energy. Here it has always been allowed to flow decently free. The collective
paranoia required to boost the rocket of superpower status was provided by the
Soviet rivalry.
The Soviet rocket, on the other hand, fell a bit short
of the desired orbit of stability and crashed. In technology they matched each
other shoulder to shoulder, step in step. The extra fuel in the American rocket
was provided by the deep murmurs of individual freedom in the common hearts of
common Americans. It somehow provides stability; creates a sort of pedestal on
which the results of super-rivalry can be enjoyed for a relatively longer
period of time. China's rapidly rising balloon may also crashland. How can we
ignore that behind the firm statistics in its achievement book, there are many
statutes that strictly curtail basic human freedom. People will digest this as
long as they are overfed with the diet of hate against a common, much vilified
enemy. As the participants in this slowly smouldering cold war they think that
they play a part by sacrificing a bit more due to more and more stringent rules.
But after basking in the collective glory for decades, they will turn their
heads back and analyse the sacrifices across generations.
It turns counterproductive. The sea of collective
victory cannot sustain unless it is fed through the sinewy rivulets of
small-small basic freedoms and enjoyments that create outlets for the common
individuals to shine and feel victorious at the individual level as well. So
this rising disparity between the verticals of its national glories at the
international level on the one hand and the stagnant graph of political reforms
may turn the table upside down, like it did in the case of the former USSR.
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